ክትምዕድን ክትምህርን ናይ ምድላይ ክቱር ድሌት ዝስዕርር ዘሎ መሲሉ ተሰሚዑኒ ነይሩ። ዳሕራይ ሕስብ ምስ ኣበልኩዎ ግን ሕጂ ደኣ ብናጻ ዕድላት ማሕበራዊ መራኸቢታት ተሓጊዙ ዝተጋነነ መሲሉ እምበር ካብ ቀደሙስ እኹል መንጸፍ ጸኒሑዎ’ዩ። ንውሰድ እንዶ…

…ሙሳ ኣሮን ኣብ መቕድም ቀዳመይቲ ልብ-ወለዱ ወርቅሃ  “እቲ ጽሑፍ ነቶም ክቡራንን ሕፉራንን መምሃሪ እምበር᎓ መጻወቲ” ከም ዘይኰነ ኣመልኪቱ ኣሎ። ሙሳ ኣሮን ጥራይ ዘይኰነስ ኵሎም ናይ ሽዑ ጸሓፍቲ ልብ-ወለድ ንዕኡ ዝመስል ማዕዳን መጠቀቕታን’ዮም ዝህቡ ነይሮም። በቲ መጠኑ ዝሓለፈ “ክትምህር ናይ ምድላይ ጽቡቕ ድሌት” ዝተናደደ በየነ ሃይለ ድማ ኣብ ዓቢዱ’ዶ ትብልዎ? (1965) ᎓ “እዚ ጽሑፍ ክምህር ወይ ክግስጽ ቢለ ኣይጸሓፍኩዎን” ኢሉ ኣቐሚጡ። ምናልባት ግን ኣብ ኤርትራ ጥራይ ዘይኰነስ ኣብ ብዙሓት ዘመናዊ ስነ-ጽሑፍ ደንጉዩ ዝጀመረን ሃገራት ጸሓፍቲ ልብ-ወለድ ነገርቲ ዛንታ ጥራይ ዘይኰነስ መምሃራን እንኮላይ’ዮም። ንዝያዳ “The Novelist as Teacher” ዝብል ጽሑፍ ቺንዋ ኣቸበ ምውካስ ይከኣል።

[ናይ መምሃራን ካብ ተላዕለ ብዘይካ ኣብ ኤርትራ “መምህር” ካብ ሞያ ሓሊፉ ናብ መዓርግ ዝቕይረሉ ሕብረተሰብ’ሲ ኣሎ’ዶኾን?]

ኣብ ዘልዕሎ ኣብነታት ሓቀኛ ኣስማት ኣይክጠቅስን’የ።

ኣብ ፈለማ 2000 ኣቢላ ኣብ ኤርትራ “ዝረዓመት” መጽሓፍ᎓ ኣብ መቕድማ᎓ “እገሊት ጓለይ ‘ባባ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ በጃኻ ምሃሮ᎓’ ኢላ ኣምሪራ ተላብያትኒ’የ ዝጽሕፍ ዘለኹ” ዝብል ኣለዎ።

እቶም “ብሩህ መጻኢ” (እንታይ ምዃኑ እንድዒ) ክህሉዎም እንደልዮም ህጻናት ኤርትራ እንተስ ኣቦይ ንዋዩ ወይ ኣቦይ ባጃይን ኣማኢት መሰልቶምን ተማዒዶም ክስንብሩ ቍሩብ’ዩ ተሪፉዎም። እዛ ንሓደ ጨሓምን ጭራ ነስነስ እናበለን ንምዝራብ ዝጽገም ወሓለ ሰብኣይ ቅዲ መበቈላ ኣበይ ምዃና ኣይፈልጥን። ኣብ ዝበዝሕ ናይ ተዋስኦን ምዕዶን ኣጋጣሚታት ግን ካብተን ኣዝየን ዝውቱራት ኣገባባት’ያ።

ምርኢት መጽሓፍቲ ኤርትራ ጽቡቕ ተበግሶ ደኣ ይዅን እምበር᎓ “ነንብብ ክንዕንብብ” እትብል መዝሙር ናይቲ ኣጋጣሚ ክሰምዕ ከለኹ ወትሩ እዝነይ እዃዅየኒ ነይሩ።

ካብተን ሓደ ሓድሽ ስራሕ ኣዝያ ኣገዳሲት ምዃና እንጥቀመላ ዝውትርቲ ኣገባብ ኣወዓውዓ᎓ “መሃሪትን ኣዘናጋዒትን” ተዋስኦ᎓ መጽሓፍ᎓ ፊልም ምዃና ምንጋር’ዩ። ክመዓድ ኢሉ ናብ ሲነማ ከፊሉ ዝኸይድ’ሲ ከመይ ከመይ’ዩ?

መስፍን ገብረሂወት ቀደም ተመሃራይ ካልኣይ ደረጃ ከለኹ ደጋጊመ ዘንብባ ዝነበርኩ ናይ ዋዛታት መጽሓፍ ኣላቶ። ኣርእስታ? እናሰሓቕና ንመሃር። ዳሕራይ ቍሩብ ምስ ጐበዝኩ እታ ኣርእስታ ተሕስበኒ፣ ሰብ ስሒቑ ጥራይ እንተኸደስ እንታይ ሓጢኣት ኮን ነይሩዎ? ስለምንታይ’ከ ካብ ነፍሲ-ወከፍ ዋዛ ትምህርቲ ክቕስም ዝድለ?Continue reading

 

(Published in Carnegie Council of Ethics for International Affairs; March 22, 2017)

 ©Jason Florio - all rights reserved. Eritrean migrants in a sinking boat.May 2, 2015. A boat carrying 369 mainly Eritrean migrants, 45 km off the Libyan coast. The bilge pump was blocked and water was pouring in. Everyone was evacuated safely to a rescue boat and taken to Sicily. ©Jason Florio – all rights reserved.

By 2015, the UN estimated that 5,000 Eritreans were leaving their homeland every month. Eritreans trying to escape their repressive country are well aware of the perilous journey in front of them, facing obstacles at every step. It is only when—to borrow poet Abdellatif Laâbi‘s line—the fear of living replaces the fear of dying, that they decide to go.

Nobody has high hopes for a regime that has been accused of committing “crimes against humanity.” However, what’s both startling and troubling is the complicity of the international community in these crimes—the African Union, European Union, Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and other UN organizations. They are guilty of everything from ineffectual silence to outright collaboration.

Despite the fact that Eritrea is among the signatories of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), most of the Declaration’s articles are routinely ignored in today’s Eritrea.

Freedom of movement in the country is tightly controlled through required pass-papers, countless checkpoints, and frequent military round-ups. After the age of six, Eritreans can’t travel out of the country legally except under extraordinary circumstances. Leaving with permission involves a convoluted process controlled by the Office of the President; this includes all government employees up to the level of ministers.

Yet, it is relatively easy for married women to leave the country. As a result, in the last few years many young Eritrean women have settled in Uganda and other African countries, mainly because they don’t dare to risk staying behind until their children reach the crucial age of six. Their husbands must find ways to join them later, taking all kinds of risks and paying high amounts of money to smugglers. To cross the tightly secured border illegally, some pay as high as $6,000 to be smuggled out of the country, to cross overland into the Sudan and Ethiopia or to sail to Yemen. Yet this high price does not guarantee safety. Click here to read the original article.

“ስራሕና ቦምባ ምትኳስ’ዩ ኣበይ ከም ዝዓልብን ንመን ከም ዝሃርምን ንዓና ዝምልከት ኣይኰነን፣ ንሱ ናይ ካልእ ክፍሊ ስራሕ’ዩ።”

እዘን ከም መእተዊ ተጠቒመለን ዘለኹ ሕደማ ናይ ሓንቲ ደርፊ ኰይነን ኣብ ሓንቲ መጽሓፍ ካብ ዘንብበን ልዕሊ 10 ዓመት ሓሊፉ፣ ገና ክርስዐን ኣይከኣልኩን᎓ ስም ደራፊ ስለ ዘይሓዝኩ ከኣ ተመሊሰ ከስተማቕራ ኣይከኣልኩን። ተደጋጋሚ ሓላፍነት ዝጐደሎ ስራሕ ጎፍ ክብለኒ ከሎ ግን እዘን መስመራት ህሩግ ይብላኒ። ስሙ ዘይሓዝኩዎ ደራፊ ነቲ ኣብ እዋን ዝሑል ኲናት ዝነበረ ወጥሪ ኒክለሳዊ ኣጽዋር–ናይ ገለ መራሕቲ ሸለልትነት ከስዕቦ ዝኽእል ሃስያ–ንምግላጽ ዝደረፎ’ዩ። እታ ደርፊ ከም እተርእዮ᎓ ኣዘንታዊ ምስቶም ቦምባ ዝትኵሱ ክፍሊ ኰይኑ ስራሑ ነታ ቦምባ ምትኳስ እምበር ኣበይ ከም እትዓልብን ንመን ከም እትሃርምን ግን ንኻልእ ክፍሊ ዝምልከት ምዃኑ ይሕብር። እቶም ካልእ ክፍሊ᎓ ምናልባት’ውን ነታ ቦምባ ተመሊሳ ኣብ ልዕሊኡ ከም እትወድቕ ገይሮም ከነጻጽሩዋ ይኽእሉ’ዮም፣ እዚ ግን ንዓኡ ዝገድሶ ኣይኰነን።

(መእተዊስ እንተ ሓጸረ’ዩ ጽቡቕ፣ ክሰግር)

ሰፊሕ ቃለ-መሕተት ኣቦይ ሃብተማርያም ኣብርሃ ዘበገሶ ናይ ማሕበራዊ መራኸቢታትን ረድዮን ምልልስ ዘንቀሎ ሓሳብ’ዩ። ኣጋጣሚ ኰይኑ ብዝለዓለ ጥርዚ–ናይ ኣማኑኤል ኢያሱ ናይ ረድዮ መልሰ-መጥቃዕቲ–ምስ ሰማዕኩ’የ ተመሊሰ ነቲ ቅድሚኡ ዝነበረ ምልልስ ተኸታቲለዮ።

ኣቦይ ሃብተማርያም ልዑልን ትኵርን ዝኽሪ ከም ዘለዎም ዘጠራጥር የብሉን፣ ምስ ዕብየት ዕድመ᎓ ንውሓት ግዜን በበይኑ ምዕባለታትን ከኣ ምስኡ ተኣሳሲሩ ዝመጽእ ናይ እርጋን ምትሕውዋስ ዝኽሪን ንምፍላጥ ኣየጸግምን። ኣፋዊ ዛንታ እናተደጋገመ ምስ ከደ መበቈሎን ርጡብነትን ብዘየገድስ “ሓቂ” እናመሰለ’ዩ ዝመጽእ። ኣብዚ ናይ ኣቦይ ሃብተማርያም ኣጋጣሚ’ውን ነዊሕ ስደትን ጽምዋ ዝወለዶ ምጽርራብ ናይቲ ዝኽሪን ናብ ሓደ መስርዑ ዝሓለወ ዛንታ ንኽሰፍዩዎ ኣኽኢሉዎም። ኣብ ርእሲ’ቲ ርኡይ ኵርናዕ ኣጠማምታ᎓ እቲ ዝዝርዝሩዎ ዛንታታት ኣዝዩ ተኣፋፊን ምስጢራዊን ስለ ዝዀነ᎓ ብማዕዶ ተዓዛቢ ኴንካ ጥራይ ደምዳሚ መልሲ ክትህበሉ ዝከኣል ኣይኰነን። ካብ ዕላሎም ንጹር ከም ዝዀነ ከኣ ኣብቲ ኣዝዩ ተኣፋፊ ዛንታታት ናይ ማዕዶ ተዓዛቢ ጥራይ’ዮም ነይሮም። ንውሓት ዕድመ᎓ ምድብላቕ ዝኽሪ᎓ ነዊሕ ዝተዓቝረ ነድሪ ከስዕቦ ዝኽእል ምዝባዕ ሓበሬታ እምበኣር ምዝርዛሩ’ውን ኣየድልን። ኣብ ከምኡ መደምደምታ ንዝበጽሕ ሰማዒ’ውን ግድን ጌጋ ወይ ዝተጋነነ ስእሊ ክህቦ’ዩ። Continue reading

(Published in Africa is A Country; March 6, 2017)

Eritrea has expelled all international correspondents and banned local private newspapers since 2001. One consequence is that Western media have had to play up their “unique” or “rare” access to “the North Korea of Africa.”

Over the last two years, some leading media–having gone through endless bureaucratic hassles and rejections–such as the BBC, France 24,  The Wall Street Journal, and The New York Times  have covered Eritrea. Some independent journalists have (dis)covered Eritrea too. For many of us who lived our entire lives in the country, of course nothing is nearly revealing apart from their “sensational” stories.  (An exception was the The New Yorker’s coverage in December of a mass defection by members of the Eritrean national team.)

Reporting on Eritrea has reduced into a standard template: it starts with description of how clean and peaceful the capital city, Asmara is (there is also emphasis on its Italian colonial legacy, here reduced to architecture and café culture), inhabited by friendly people. This is usually followed by long descriptions of the palm-tree-lined streets of the capital; disproportionate part on the capital’s art-deco and futuristic buildings; some confused and contradictory notes on the overcrowded cafes (with a note of the recent mass-exodus), visits to the remnants of war tanks near Asmara (linking it with the bloody war of independence) and at last interviewing the usual suspects, media-friendly officials such as Yemane Ghebreab, the ruling party’s political affairs and presidential advisor and the minister of information, Yemane Gebremeskel. The latter two get to dole out their regular scripts of “we are in emergency state and the international community should pressure Ethiopia to demarcate the borders.” Click here to continue

(Published in Amnesty International Magazine No. 88; March 2017)

Via Google translate

Perpetual escaped

Eritrea practices the most fierce media censorship in the world. For eight years, the country has occupied the queue of Reporters Without Borders rankings after North Korea. The repression is such that even journalists working for the state media live in constant fear of being arrested. Many journalists have preferred exile to prison. Abraham is one of them.

During his studies at the University of Asmara, he worked as an independent journalist for various private newspapers, until they were banned by order of the president. “At the time, although the media was limited, we could freely express our ideas, we were not governed by terror. In 2001, everything changed. “On 18 September this year, 15 senior government officials were arrested for denouncing the dictatorial drift of the president. The newspapers that have published their opinions are closed. “My country suddenly plunged into darkness, the army was everywhere. Arbitrary detention became the norm, prisoners were held in detention without trial or indictment for years. “According to Amnesty International’s investigations, At least 10,000 people are currently detained on political grounds in 360 detention centers. According to the United Nations, 5,000 individuals leave the country each month.>Click here to read the article via translation>