“I’m not from here, I’m not from there; I don’t belong anywhere.”


A man's suit hangs off a street marker as a cab carrying asylum seekers pulls up near the US-Canada border in Champlain, New York [Christinne Muschi/Reuters]

If exile is characterised by an endless feeling of estrangement, seeking political asylumis a perpetual state of anxiety.

When I started the process of claiming asylum in the United States, an apparently safe and democratic country, I assumed it would help seal off the trauma of my life in Eritrea, the country I had fled. I hoped it would open a new chapter.

But as I embarked on the journey of asylum, I realised that there is a comprehensive dehumanisation process at the heart of it all. The deeper you descend into the legal process of escape, the more you are required to prove who you are, prove the horrors of your experience, while all the time revisiting the very things that forced you to flee. Click here to read the article from Al-Jazeera

(Published in Al-Jazeera English; July 6, 2017)

If available at all, facts about many crucial issues in Eritrea fail to capture the reality in the country. Reading the news about Eritrea, an outsider would not understand the extent and complexity of its transformation: from a country with a promising future into the personal fiefdom of President Isaias Afwerki and his clique at the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ). A pastiche of daily encounters does a better job of illuminating the disfigured Dadaist reality of present-day Eritrea.

Pasta and oil instead of lectures

The Eritrean government closed the only university in Eritrea, the University of Asmara, in 2006, after the last class finished their studies and no new students were admitted. I had been working in the university as teaching assistant at the Department of Eritrean Languages and Literature since October 2004. After the closure, the staff and faculty continued to report to work for a year. We were still receiving our salaries, but we didn’t have any classes to teach. We had no obligation to show up to “work”. However, we continued to do so because our food rations were being distributed at the university campus. With the ruling party rationing the most basic food items, such as pasta, cooking oil and grain, and with no students to attend to, faculty found food rations the only worthwhile topic of conversation at the university. As shares were distributed, bits of pasta and leaks of cooking oil became common in faculty offices, along with professors hauling bags full of food items away from the campus.Click here to read the article from Al-Jazeera

(Conversation with Michael Barron published in Culture Trip; June 7, 2017)

“The Flagellates” is a satire set in a detention center where its prisoners debate with the commander about the distribution of their requisite lashings. Could you talk about the basis and realities that this satire is commenting upon?

Fiction pales in comparison to the reality of present day Eritrea. There are over 360 prison facilities (majority underground detention centers run/owned by military commanders who extort money for plea bargains) in this small nation of less than five-million people. One way or another an average Eritrean has served time in these detention centers (myself in a labor camp). The degree of dehumanization and brutality many prisoners of conscience experience is difficult to fathom. George Orwell’s 1984 and Franz Kafka’s The Trial read not as allegorical stories of a dystopian world, but as slightly embellished accounts of life in Eritrea itself. Personal stories of the prison facilities vary—I’ve heard of people who were forced to eat with defecation-tainted utensils; to others who served for years in the solitary confinement because of mistaken identity, with even the guards freely admitting that they were detained the wrong person. I’ve also heard of some workers who were imprisoned under harsh conditions because the jailers want to extract information regarding their bosses, men who would themselves never be indicted. I wrote “The Flagellates” having all such stories as a backdrop. A straight, realist narrative story couldn’t grasp the scale of such bizarre reality so I had to be just as bizarre with my imagination; I remember even bursting into a loud laughter while writing it in a coffee shop.

This story has as its subtitle “A true fictional account” and I’m wondering if you could discuss the nuance of this phrase as it pertains to the story.
I put that in to create ambiguity; the narrator is also named Abraham for the same reason. Overall, I weave between fiction and reality, as it is difficult in an Eritrean context to discern between the two, particularly in the detention centers. For example, when this story (in its original Tigrinya) was published in a blog, one Eritrean wrote me expressing the “fury he felt reading about this experience as if it were my own,” and even suggested that I report it to the UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea. On a different reading, this example also shows such practices are normally expected in Eritrean prison centers. Read the full interview from Culture Trip here

(Published in Culture Trip; June 6, 2017)

The rumor that Haile Woldu was to become the commander of our military detention center had been floating around for nearly three months. In his previous posts as commander of other detention centers, Haile was known for privileges he accorded to detainees and the relationship he cultivated with them. Which is why, when he finally arrived, and we were all called in as a group to be formally introduced to our new commander, we celebrated it as if he was our liberator.

The dream has come true, and here he sits in front of us convening a meeting…

 —I have never seen him in person. I used to hear about his light skin complexion and his slender but fit physical appearance, and as such I already had my own image of Haile, so much so that I had the feeling of having previously laid eyes on him. With the exception of his visage, in all other aspects, my imagination was almost precisely the same.

We were about eighty in number, gathered from four underground halls, sitting close to each other while in front of him. It was around 4:00 p.m., a time when the weather begins to cool down. It was a time when we were supposed to be in our cells, so to be in the open air at that hour of the day, regardless of the reason, was refreshing for us all. In my two years of detention, I had only been let out four times for similar such meetings; at personal level, I felt as if I had been  released. One such meeting occurred just last week: a farewell gathering for Tesfay, the former commander of the detention center. Although we were long embittered by his brutality and his mercilessness, we held a celebration for his departure. “When I was with you here,” Tesfay said, in his farewell address to us,“if I have shown bad character and if there is something you think I should improve in the future, please feel free to ask.” Some of us actually gathered enough courage to speak. A few others, the beneficiaries of some sort of privileges, lamented that Tesfay’s departure would be a huge loss to the detention center, that he would be dearly missed. The other meetings I attended were on HIV/AIDS awareness and a discussion on the celebratory preparations for our National Independence Day. They were tolerable enough. Read  the short story from Culture Trip

(Published in al-Jazeera English; May 24, 2017)

Unfortunately, there is not much to celebrate on the 26th anniversary of Eritrea’s independence.

A woman sits next to an escarpment on the outskirts of Asmara, Eritrea [Thomas Mukoya/Reuters]

Twenty-six years ago today, Eritrea’s 30-year war of independence against Ethiopiaended with Eritrean freedom fighters marching to the capital, Asmara. Unfortunately, it took less than a decade for the grand hopes and ideals that Eritreans initially had for the future of their country to evaporate into thin air.

The international media has limited access to the country and, as a result, their coverage of Eritrea is limited to a shallow narrative focusing on “indefinite military conscription” and “refugees“.

But the Eritrean story is far more complicated than these one-dimentional labels.

After independence the country gradually descended into a fiefdom, serving as a grand laboratory for the negligent and oppressive government experiments of President Isaias Afwerki and his clique. Over the past two and a half decades Eritrean authorities have been accused of a variety of abuses. These accusations culminated in a report by the the UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea in 2016, which declared the Eritrean state guilty of “crimes against humanity“. Click here to read the article

(Published in Africa is A Country; May 24, 2017)

Despite all that’s been written and spoken about extreme repression and economic blight in Eritrea, surprisingly little has been publicized about its inscrutable leader, Isaias Afwerki, who has led the country with an iron fist since independence in 1991. Based on common knowledge among Eritreans in the country and other information that I have collected over the years from frequent contacts, I am attempting to profile him.

Having closed all independent media and banned international correspondents, President Afwerki rebuilt the national media to exclusively serve his own interests and ambitions. In regular interviews with the state media, he approves all questions beforehand. In the midst of interviews, he often takes over, addressing a single question with lectures that ramble on for 30 minutes or more. The journalists’ only role is to help him transition between topics and occasionally nod in approval or agreement. Once during a pre-recorded interview, one of the “journalists,” Asmelash Abraha, fell asleep during the president’s long reply. In his regular interviews with the state media, Afwerki talks at leisure and analyzes many world developments. During an interview on the national broadcaster, Eri-TV, journalist, Temesghen Debessai, asked the president questions interchangeably in three languages, Tigrinya, English and Arabic. Afwerki talked about a variety of issues, demonstrating his command of language, history and current events for his Eritrean audience. Click here to read the whole article

(Published in PEN Eritrea; May 25, 2017)

Be it an article for international media or a research work, anyone who attempts to write on Eritrea is ostensibly confronted with two most basic issues: sources to be quoted and most updated facts on crucial subjects. What is worse for many of us who have experienced it firsthand is also balancing what is being cited (and recycled) as facts by some organizations and using our judgments to find the middle ground.

Eritrean authorities promptly decline to comment on any development; or else it has been the weary script of blaming the international community and failing to take responsibility. The regime solely survives on secrecy and violence; and thus employs a strategy of creating confusion and making sure critical facts remain hidden.

The Eritreans who are fleeing the country in droves could at least fill in some missing links, if not the whole story. Yet, useful information on their country is conspicuously lacking among recently exiled Eritreans. The lack of widespread awareness of methods of documentation and information sharing poses serious challenges for anyone tasked with connecting the dots. When most escaping Eritreans reach their safe destinations, only a handful of them will agree to openly discuss their firsthand experiences at the hands of the regime Click here to continue

“ኣብዚ ናይ ክረምቲ ዕረፍቲ ደኣ ንኤርትራ ክትበጽሕ ዲኻ?” ዝብል ዘረባ መማህረትይ ዘንቀሎ ሓሳብ’ዩ። ብዘይካ ኣይፋል ካልእ ኣይበልኩዎን᎓ ብውሽጠይ ግን ገለ ካብቲ ምኽንያታት እጽብጽብ ነይረ፤

  1. “ኣብ እንዳ ፊሊጶስ ኢና ተኣሲርና ኔርና” ዝብል’ሞ (ዝበዝሓ ኣብያተ-ማእሰርቲ ኤርትራ ናይ ኣዘዝቲ ሰራዊት ትካላት እምበር ገበነኛታት ዝቕጽዑለን ስለ ዘይኰናስ ብኣስማት ኣዘዝቲ ክጽውዓ ንቡር’ዩ) ድሕሪ ዓመት ማእሰርቱ ብሰበ-ሰብ ወጺኡስ (እንኮላይ ካብታ ሃገር) ንዅነታቱ ምስ ሓተትኩዎ “ዳርጋ ኣብ ሕጽኖት ዝነበርኩ’የ ዝመስል። ከምዚ ኣነ ዝነበርኩዎስ ንኻልኦት ይፍጠረሎም’ዩ ዘብል” ኢሉኒ። ዝርርብ ቀጺሉ ብዛዕባ እቶም ተሪፎም ዘለዉ መተኣስርቱ ምስ ተላዕለ ድማ᎓ “ብሓቂ ጽቡቕ’ዮም ሒዞሞም ዘለዉ፣ ብዓል እገለ ዘየድልዮም ምስ’ቶም ዋርድያ ይጓረፈጡ ነይሮም᎓“ ይቕጽል። ኣብ መጨረሽታ–ዋላ ሓንቲ ምኽንያት መእሰሪ ኣይሃሉዎም ደኣ’ምበር–እቲ ፍታሕ ኢሉ ዘቕርቦ፤ “ሕጂ ንዓርኪ ፊሊጶስ ዝዛረባ ኢና ንደሊ ዘለና። ንሳ እንተ ተዛሪባቶስ ክወጽኦም ይኽእል’ዩ።”

ኣነ ከኣ ብገርሀይ ዓርኪ ጀነራል ፊሊጶስ መን ምዃና ይሓትት። “እታ ኣብ ኣስመራ ፓላስ ዘቝርሳ ዝነበረ ‘በይቢ’ ዝብላ ዝነበረ በዓልቲ ማርካቶ እኳ ገዲፉዋ’ዩ። እዛ ሕጂ ሒዙዋ ዘሎ ግን ዓርኪ እገለ ዝነበረት… ኵስቶ ሽማ ኣብ ከተማ ድኳን ቡቲክ ከፊቱላ ዘሎ…። ከመይ ጌርካ ንስኻ ዘይትፈልጣ?” ለካስ ኵሉ ሰብ’ዩ ዝፈልጣ። ኣብ ዩትዩብ ደልዩ ከኣ ኣቕሪቡለይ።

    1. Continue reading

(Published in Index on Censorship Magazine; Spring 2017 issue)

Over the last four years, the international media have dubbed Eritrea “North Korea of Africa,” mainly due to their striking similarities when it comes to being closed, repressive states blocked to international media. When a satirical website run by exiled Eritrean journalists cleverly manipulated the simile, the site stoked a social media buzz among the Eritrean diaspora.

Awaze Tribune launched its publication in June 2016 with three news stories including “North Korean Ambassador to UN: ‘Stop Calling Eritrea the North Korea of Africa.’”

The story reports that the North Korean ambassador to the U.N., Sin Son-ho, has briefed the press corps and warned them to stop calling Eritrea “North Korea of Africa.” He complains that it’s insulting for his advanced, prosperous, nuclear-armed nation to be compared to Eritrea, with its, “senile idiot leader” who “hasn’t even been able to complete the Adi Halo dam.”

With apparent little concern over its authenticity, Eritreans in the diaspora began widely sharing the news story, sparking a flurry of discussion on social media and accumulating 36,600 hits.

On the intensely politicized and polarized Eritrean diaspora online platforms, the opposition camp shared it widely to underline the dismal incompetence of the Eritrean government. The pro-government camp countered by alleging that Ethiopia must be involved behind the scenes. Some moderately well-read websites in the opposition camp shared the link as worth reading, though none of them disclosed or acknowledged that it was satirical. Similarly, it was tweeted and re-tweeted many times, including by some pro-Ethiopia handles.

For the average discerning reader, the satirical nature of the new website seemed obvious. The satire begins with the name, “Awaze,” a hot sauce common in Eritrean and Ethiopian cuisines. If readers were not alerted by the name, there were plenty of other tip-offs. For example, on the same day, two similar news articles were posted: “Eritrea and South Sudan Sign Agreement to Set an Imaginary Airline” and “Brexit Vote Signals Eritrea to Go Ahead With Its Long-Planned Referendum.” Read the article from Index on Censorship.


ክትምዕድን ክትምህርን ናይ ምድላይ ክቱር ድሌት ዝስዕርር ዘሎ መሲሉ ተሰሚዑኒ ነይሩ። ዳሕራይ ሕስብ ምስ ኣበልኩዎ ግን ሕጂ ደኣ ብናጻ ዕድላት ማሕበራዊ መራኸቢታት ተሓጊዙ ዝተጋነነ መሲሉ እምበር ካብ ቀደሙስ እኹል መንጸፍ ጸኒሑዎ’ዩ። ንውሰድ እንዶ…

…ሙሳ ኣሮን ኣብ መቕድም ቀዳመይቲ ልብ-ወለዱ ወርቅሃ  “እቲ ጽሑፍ ነቶም ክቡራንን ሕፉራንን መምሃሪ እምበር᎓ መጻወቲ” ከም ዘይኰነ ኣመልኪቱ ኣሎ። ሙሳ ኣሮን ጥራይ ዘይኰነስ ኵሎም ናይ ሽዑ ጸሓፍቲ ልብ-ወለድ ንዕኡ ዝመስል ማዕዳን መጠቀቕታን’ዮም ዝህቡ ነይሮም። በቲ መጠኑ ዝሓለፈ “ክትምህር ናይ ምድላይ ጽቡቕ ድሌት” ዝተናደደ በየነ ሃይለ ድማ ኣብ ዓቢዱ’ዶ ትብልዎ? (1965) ᎓ “እዚ ጽሑፍ ክምህር ወይ ክግስጽ ቢለ ኣይጸሓፍኩዎን” ኢሉ ኣቐሚጡ። ምናልባት ግን ኣብ ኤርትራ ጥራይ ዘይኰነስ ኣብ ብዙሓት ዘመናዊ ስነ-ጽሑፍ ደንጉዩ ዝጀመረን ሃገራት ጸሓፍቲ ልብ-ወለድ ነገርቲ ዛንታ ጥራይ ዘይኰነስ መምሃራን እንኮላይ’ዮም። ንዝያዳ “The Novelist as Teacher” ዝብል ጽሑፍ ቺንዋ ኣቸበ ምውካስ ይከኣል።

[ናይ መምሃራን ካብ ተላዕለ ብዘይካ ኣብ ኤርትራ “መምህር” ካብ ሞያ ሓሊፉ ናብ መዓርግ ዝቕይረሉ ሕብረተሰብ’ሲ ኣሎ’ዶኾን?]

ኣብ ዘልዕሎ ኣብነታት ሓቀኛ ኣስማት ኣይክጠቅስን’የ።

ኣብ ፈለማ 2000 ኣቢላ ኣብ ኤርትራ “ዝረዓመት” መጽሓፍ᎓ ኣብ መቕድማ᎓ “እገሊት ጓለይ ‘ባባ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ በጃኻ ምሃሮ᎓’ ኢላ ኣምሪራ ተላብያትኒ’የ ዝጽሕፍ ዘለኹ” ዝብል ኣለዎ።

እቶም “ብሩህ መጻኢ” (እንታይ ምዃኑ እንድዒ) ክህሉዎም እንደልዮም ህጻናት ኤርትራ እንተስ ኣቦይ ንዋዩ ወይ ኣቦይ ባጃይን ኣማኢት መሰልቶምን ተማዒዶም ክስንብሩ ቍሩብ’ዩ ተሪፉዎም። እዛ ንሓደ ጨሓምን ጭራ ነስነስ እናበለን ንምዝራብ ዝጽገም ወሓለ ሰብኣይ ቅዲ መበቈላ ኣበይ ምዃና ኣይፈልጥን። ኣብ ዝበዝሕ ናይ ተዋስኦን ምዕዶን ኣጋጣሚታት ግን ካብተን ኣዝየን ዝውቱራት ኣገባባት’ያ።

ምርኢት መጽሓፍቲ ኤርትራ ጽቡቕ ተበግሶ ደኣ ይዅን እምበር᎓ “ነንብብ ክንዕንብብ” እትብል መዝሙር ናይቲ ኣጋጣሚ ክሰምዕ ከለኹ ወትሩ እዝነይ እዃዅየኒ ነይሩ።

ካብተን ሓደ ሓድሽ ስራሕ ኣዝያ ኣገዳሲት ምዃና እንጥቀመላ ዝውትርቲ ኣገባብ ኣወዓውዓ᎓ “መሃሪትን ኣዘናጋዒትን” ተዋስኦ᎓ መጽሓፍ᎓ ፊልም ምዃና ምንጋር’ዩ። ክመዓድ ኢሉ ናብ ሲነማ ከፊሉ ዝኸይድ’ሲ ከመይ ከመይ’ዩ?

መስፍን ገብረሂወት ቀደም ተመሃራይ ካልኣይ ደረጃ ከለኹ ደጋጊመ ዘንብባ ዝነበርኩ ናይ ዋዛታት መጽሓፍ ኣላቶ። ኣርእስታ? እናሰሓቕና ንመሃር። ዳሕራይ ቍሩብ ምስ ጐበዝኩ እታ ኣርእስታ ተሕስበኒ፣ ሰብ ስሒቑ ጥራይ እንተኸደስ እንታይ ሓጢኣት ኮን ነይሩዎ? ስለምንታይ’ከ ካብ ነፍሲ-ወከፍ ዋዛ ትምህርቲ ክቕስም ዝድለ?Continue reading